Kuwait Needs More Young Entrepreneurs

Photo: Hanna Rhodin

Photo: Hanna Rhodin

By Hanna Rhodin

There is a long history of a bustling merchant culture in Kuwait. Since the 18th century, the country has been known for trade: whether in exchanging goods with India, boat-building, or its pearling industry. Wealth has come to be associated with certain families within the country, thanks to their past success in business that, in some cases, dates back generations. Today these families continue to dominate the private sector. However, according to the official statistics, nearly 85 percent of the Kuwaiti population is still employed by the government. While the last decade has showed a surge in entrepreneurial initiatives, roadblocks and barriers remain.

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Small Associations as a Way to Strengthen Financial Security

By Rosino (Flickr) [CC BY-SA 2.0], via Wikimedia Commons

By Rosino (Flickr) [CC BY-SA 2.0], via Wikimedia Commons

By Hanna Rhodin

How do you go about starting a business when you lack the education or financial means? The answers often depend on the region, country, or city you live in. In early 2015 I traveled to Beira, Mozambique to volunteer with Care for Life, an NGO working with a holistic approach to assisting families in low-income communities. Part of this approach was to enable individuals to take charge of their own livelihood by establishing a small family business. This included  their work with starting associations and mutual businesses — the latter being a 10-step process which many do not know how to undertake.

Registering a business should not take more than a few weeks (or, in more developed countries, a few days), yet during the two months I was working with these associations the process proved to take longer than that. For various reasons, several did not complete it and were still working on it as I completed my time there.

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Association Executives Strengthen Their Profession in the Philippines

PCAAE presented its 1st ‘Ang Susi’ Awards on December 3, 2015 at the Philippine International Convention Center (PICC) during the gala dinner and awards night of the 3rd Association Executives Summit.

PCAAE presented its 1st ‘Ang Susi’ Awards on December 3, 2015 at the Philippine International Convention Center (PICC) during the gala dinner and awards night of the 3rd Association Executives Summit.

By Octavio “Bobby” Peralta

The Philippine Council for the Advancement of Association Executives (PCAAE)* was created in 2013 to facilitate the work of association executives in managing their organizations, and to advance their profession through knowledge delivery, recognition and collaboration initiatives. The PCAAE is the only platform in the Philippines that puts associations and other membership organizations such as chambers, societies, foundations, cooperatives and the non-profit sector at large under one umbrella.

Last December, PCAAE held its annual flagship event, the Third Association Executives’ Summit (AES3), in Manila gathering association professionals, managers, and leaders. The Summit focused mainly on membership-management and governance issues under the theme “Compass to Excellence” and drew 120 delegates to the Philippine International Convention Center, an impressive turnout considering how many Philippine associations’ event calendars were disrupted by the nation’s hosting of APEC 2015.

For the first time, aside from the learning tracks, a table-top exhibition on association services was concurrently held as were the “Ang Susi Awards” that recognized the achievements and contributions of associations in national sustainable development.

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Will There Ever Be a Resolution in Eastern Ukraine?

frozen-conflicts-donbas

CIPE’s Frozen Conflicts blog series looks at the current situation in seven breakaway regions of the former Soviet Union, with a particular focus on the economic dimension. To learn more about frozen conflicts and what can be done about them read CIPE’s Economic Reform Feature Service article on the subject.

In May 2014, not long after the EuroMadian demonstrations toppled Ukraine’s former President Yanukovych, pro-Russian separatists in two Eastern Ukrainian regions, Donetsk and Luhansk, held referenda – unrecognized by Kyiv and the West – and declared their independence as “people’s republics.”

According to a September report from the UN, an estimated 8,000 people have been killed and almost 18,000 wounded in the ensuing war in Eastern Ukraine – the area known as the Donbas – as the new government in Kyiv has tried to regain control over its territory. The UN High Commission on Refugees (UNHCR) estimates that the conflict has created 1.5 million internally displaced persons. While the Kremlin long denied its military involvement, the Russian business magazine Delovaya Zhizn revealed the number of Russian casualties: 2,000 dead, 3,200 wounded.

Of the three million who are left in the region, about two million are children and pensioners. This leaves only one million working-age adults to support them and do the fighting. For around two months, between the beginning of September and November 2015, fighting in Donbas subsided, and some Ukrainian news outlets were speculating that the war could be coming to an end. But just as some IDPs were starting to return to the region, reports of ceasefire violations emerged. In September, UN agencies and a number of humanitarian NGOs were expelled from Luhansk by the forces in control of the area.

While the military aspect of the situation has been extensively covered, less well known is how the occupied region is managing economically. At first, the Kyiv government paid social benefits to the separatist region, despite not receiving any of its tax revenues. But since November 2014, when Kyiv cut the region off, the separatist authorities have been supporting residents with pensions paid out in rubles. They claim that these funds derive from tax collections, not support from Moscow, but this assertion seems questionable given a sharp economic decline. Interestingly, in June 2015 the authorities paid out pensions in U.S. dollars.

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Vested Interests Continue to Drive Conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh

frozen-conflicts-nagorno-karabakh

CIPE’s Frozen Conflicts blog series looks at the current situation in seven breakaway regions of the former Soviet Union, with a particular focus on the economic dimension. To learn more about frozen conflicts and what can be done about them read CIPE’s Economic Reform Feature Service article on the subject.

Unlike the situation in most of the other post-Soviet breakaway regions, the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh is far from frozen. Indeed, there are some recent signs that a fresh shooting war could be brewing. Regular exchanges of fire along the line separating Nagorno-Karabakh from Azerbaijan proper are threatening a ceasefire that has been in place since 1994. This year has seen the highest number of casualties since 1994, due to the increasingly advanced weaponry being deployed.

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Russia’s Quiet Annexation of South Ossetia

frozen-conflicts-south-ossetiaCIPE’s Frozen Conflicts blog series looks at the current situation in seven breakaway regions of the former Soviet Union, with a particular focus on the economic dimension. To learn more about frozen conflicts and what can be done about them read CIPE’s Economic Reform Feature Service article on the subject.

Often lost among coverage of Russia’s annexation of Ukraine’s Crimea, the ongoing crisis in Eastern Ukraine, and the general deterioration of the relationship between Russia and the West, is the quiet process through which the breakaway Georgian region of South Ossetia has been merged into Russia.

After Georgia declared its independence from the Soviet Union in 1991, Russian-backed separatists in South Ossetia in turn declared their own independence from Tbilisi. Fighting lasted until 1992, when Russia brokered a ceasefire agreement and placed peacekeeping troops in the region. South Ossetia voted for absorption by Russia, with no response from Moscow, while Georgia continued not to recognize the region’s independence. As a result, the conflict was frozen, and South Ossetia became a de facto state.

The situation remained such until August 2008 when, following several months of increasing tensions, Georgia and Russia fought a five-day, full-scale war in the region. That war marked a major turning point, as Russia decided to recognize South Ossetia as an independent state. The only other countries to do so were Nicaragua, Venezuela, and the Pacific island of Nauru.

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Fighting Informality in Albania

Street_shop_Albania

With reports showing a steady increase of the level of informality in Albania and recent World Bank reports that Albania’s informal sector is estimated to make up as much as 40 to 50 percent of the country’s economy, the issue of informality is integral to Albania’s development. Now especially, as the European Union has granted Albania conditional EU candidate status. The gesture indicates both a challenge and an opportunity – formal accession negotiations will not begin until Albania addresses several key priorities, particularly reforming the country’s finances and reducing corruption.

Over the last decade, the number of businesses around the world operating in the shadows has grown. Men and women who stand at cash registers and add up their profits at the end of the day are increasingly doing so outside the jurisdiction of the state. Profits derived from the informal economy represent a significant share of the global economy, both in terms of currency and workforce labor, accounting for between 25 and 40 percent of annual output.

In developing countries with large informal sectors, thousands of entrepreneurs are locked out of the formal legal economy by a maze of regulations, burdensome procedures, high tax rates, and other barriers. These entrepreneurs can neither thrive personally nor contribute to their economy. Further, these entrepreneurs, and their employees alike, lack legal protection, access to credit, and have no legal ground to push back against corruption.

Thus the concerted effort to reduce informality has taken a front and center role in Albania. Recognizing how the informal sector is a breeding ground for corruption, one of the country’s leading think tanks, the Albanian Center for Economic Research (ACER), began working on the issue with a group of reform-minded business organizations.

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