By Ben Kiragu
One of the things Kenya’s new government succeeded in doing within its first year was to reduce the number of days it takes to move cargo from the Mombasa port to Malaba from 18 to 8 days — a 56 percent improvement in just 6 months. This is a major achievement which has boosted commercial relations with Uganda and other neighboring landlocked countries, forestalled competition from alternative transit routes, and ultimately reduced the cost of doing business, therefore improving economic growth in the region. How did the government accomplish this?
First of all, the president set up a cabinet subcommittee of Cabinet Secretaries dealing with the Northern Corridor — the transit links connecting Kenya’s landlocked neighbors to the sea — which reported to him during weekly cabinet meetings. Second, administrative changes were instituted; all agencies involved in the process including KRA, KEPHIS, KEBS and KMA were instructed to work under the authority of the Kenya Ports Authority and relocated to Mombasa port. Also all government agencies were to take orders from KPA and finalize operations in Mombasa without reference to any other authority. Finally, the process of clearing was digitized and weighing bridges were modernized.
What are the lessons learnt from this? There was very clear knowledge, analysis, and understanding of the problems and where the bottle necks lay, therefore solving the problem was undertaken with almost surgical precision. There was very little need for new financial resources or the construction of major physical infrastructure. This is one of the key reasons why most projects in Kenya are delayed, as they wait for budgetary allocations or get into procurement bureaucracy and controversy as we have come to see especially as a result expanded democratic space. Lastly and probably most important there was clear and dynamic leadership, the president led from the front on this one and delegated to decisive and action-oriented managers. The impact is there for all to see.
Creation of jobs was one of the rallying calls of the Jubilee campaign with 1 million jobs promised per year, but so far no major job creating initiative has borne fruit. The government seems to be waiting for big projects such as the Standard Gauge Railway and the Galana-Kulalu irrigation project to create jobs; one wonders if this will work, as time is clearly not on their side especially given the issues associated with some of these projects. My recommendation: why not replicate the cargo movement magic to prune low-hanging fruits and achieve quick wins in job creation by creating an enabling environment for micro and small enterprises (MSEs)?
Frida W. Mbugua is a CIPE ChamberLINKS participant at the Manufacturing Alliance for Productivity and Innovation in Arlington, Virginia.
For the past four weeks, I have been participating in CIPE’s ChamberLINKS program in the Washington, DC area.
The program commenced on April 15, 2014 and runs for six weeks. I am based at the Manufacturing Alliance for Productivity and Innovation (MAPI) for the first five weeks, and so far it has been amazing. The President and CEO of MAPI, Stephen Gold, together with all the members of staff, have been very warm and welcoming and have made these four weeks a great experience so far. Gold put me in touch with other manufacturing associations, and I have had the privilege to learn so much from them.
I was with the National Association of Manufacturers (NAM) for one week, Society of Chemical Manufacturers and Affiliates (SOCMA) for three days, Institute of Scrap Recycling Industries (ISRI) for three days, and will be at the Society of the Plastics Industry (SPI) next week for two days. This opportunity has given me the chance to interact with various members of staff in different organizations, learn what they do, and learn how they run their activities while actively serving their members and maintaining valuable relations with the various government agencies.
A member of one of Kenya’s new county assemblies sets up an office in an open-air market outside of Nairobi. (Photo: VOA News)
One way to improve democratic governance is to devolve more responsibilities to local and regional governments — but only if those governments have the capacity take on such responsibilities and a willingness to listen to input from their constituents. This is the challenge Kenya faces as it implements the devolution outlined in its new constitution.
On April 9th, Chief Executive Officer of CIPE partner in Kenya Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA) Kwame Owino gave a presentation at the National Endowment for Democracy on the status of the country’s constitutional reforms. Owino explained the contentious transition that has been occurring in Kenya since the March 2013 elections, which transferred some key powers from the central government to 47 newly-created counties.
Owino cited many roadblocks in the way of quick, successful decentralization, including power struggles between newly-established governors and county senators, a highly centralized government bureaucracy reluctant in some cases to relinquish power after an institutional life of 50 years, and an economy weakened by poor policies and widespread corruption.
To address the uncertainty regarding the strength of the devolution movement, Owino stated that accountability was the answer, arguing that Kenyan civil society organizations had a place as “protectors of devolution,” and that they must put pressure on the government to stay the course of decentralization. For devolution to succeed, the constitution needs to be followed exactly, and not be avoided or ignored as it is in many instances to maintain some of the employment and power institutionalized in the old bureaucracy.
Gregg Talley is the CEO and President of Talley Management Group. He is serving as a mentor to Small and Medium Entrepreneurial Resource Centre in Kenya through CIPE’s Knowhow Mentorship program.
I have the good fortune of traveling to Kenya annually to see friends and family. But now, thanks to CIPE, I have another great reason to visit. I met with the CEO and founder of my KnowHow Mentorship mentee association, the Small and Medium Entrepreneurial Resource Centre (SMERC), June Gathoni, in Nairobi on my trip this March.
We all know the value of face to face meetings and this proved itself again to be true for us. While we had many productive calls and have been able to deliver on the value of the mentorship, the ability to sit together and discuss our lives, challenges and plans for the future proved invaluable to us both. We now have a personal connection that will remain well beyond the life of this mentorship program.
Like any small to midsize program, June has A LOT going on and has to balance management of the day to day with the bigger picture role she has for the future growth and sustainability of the organization. Luckily, SMERC is completely aligned with the KENYA 2030 Plan envisioned by the national government.
Even better, SMERC has “sandals on the ground” in the counties where much of the devolution of government programing and spending is being focused. We have been working on how June and SMERC can raise their visibility within academia, the corporate sector, and government in Kenya.
By David Owiro. This post originally appeared on IEA Kenya’s blog.
If you have ever taken a walk around the major towns in Kenya you will come across warning notices and signboards announcing to the world that “this plot/land is not for sale” or that “this property is not for sale.” Also, if you are a keen reader of the daily newspapers you will come across, in the back pages, notices announcing “caveat emptor or buyer beware” on some parcels of land. These are often put up by individuals seeking to enforce their property rights by deterring members of the public who are likely to be defrauded by unscrupulous groups or individuals.
And now, the National Land Commission, which is the body mandated by the constitution of Kenya to hold public land in trust, has also began placing adverts warning members of the public against buying land without carrying out background searches or relying on certificates of titles.
The reason all this is happening is that people have taken advantage of the previously weak property rights regime that allowed for exploitation and manipulation of official land and property records in order to defraud unsuspecting members of the public.
New “malls” in downtown Nairobi offer opportunities for small business. But are their property rights being respected?
By David Owiro
Over the past few years, residents of Nairobi’s central business district (CDB) have noticed an interesting phenomenon. The previously large commercial premises on the main streets and avenues have been subdivided, converting them to mall-type premises that allow for subletting to many micro, small, and medium businesses. This phenomenon is, however, not unique to the CBD. This model, I’m made to understand, was borrowed from India, where mostly fabric traders sell their wares under one roof. The concept has spread to Eastleigh estate in Nairobi and can also be observed in some of the major towns in Kenya.
The Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA) carried out a qualitative survey of small businesses who operate in such mall-type commercial premises in Nairobi’s CBD to determine the impact of the property rights regime on their businesses, and the findings point to a deeper policy problem. In spite of the recent property rights reforms brought about by the new constitution, the study found poor enforcement of property rights, agency coordination problems, and low awareness levels among small businesses, leading to exploitation, abuse of tenant rights, and a hostile business environment.
“When we entered the room where the President received us, he put the briefcase by the wall and left it there. After the meeting we collected the briefcase from where we had left it. On the departing journey I looked in the briefcase and saw that the money had been replaced with fresh corn.”
Nasir Ibraham Ali, the chief executive officer of World Duty Free, told the International Centre for the Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID) how, in 1989, a representative of former Kenyan President Daniel arap Moi explained to him that protocol in Kenya required that he make a “personal donation” to the president in order to establish duty free shops at the Nairobi and Mombasa airports. Ali understood “that this was payment for doing business with the Government of Kenya.” The price of this contract: $2 million.
Three years later, after spending $27 million to construct and equip his shops, Ali found himself in the middle of the infamous Goldenberg scandal. President Moi’s emissaries fabricated documents purporting to export gold and diamonds to World Duty Free. Moi’s emissaries then illicitly funneled the money they received in export compensation to Moi’s re-election campaign. The price of this fraud: estimated at a minimum of $438 million.
After World Duty Free claimed it was unwittingly part of the fraud, the government took over the shares and assets of the company to stop Ali from cooperating with the prosecution. When he responded by making statements to the press, he was arrested and then deported to the United Arab Emirates. Ali never recovered his assets, and Kenya never held any officials accountable in connection with the Goldenberg scandal.
Although these events occurred more than two decades ago, Kenya continues to fare poorly on Transparency International’s Corruption Index: 139 out of 176. It ranks in the 19th percentile for control of corruption, despite initiatives such as the restoration of the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (EACC). However, some new initiatives are seeking to reinvigorate the fight against corruption. The private sector, led by the Kenya Private Sector Alliance and the Kenya Association of Manufacturers, established the UN Global Compact Network in 2005, which now has 83 companies that voluntarily adhere to the principles, including a commitment not to engage in corruption.