Tag Archives: democracy

Why Words Matter

Created with WordItOut.

Created with WordItOut.

Researchers have recently identified 23 words they term “ultraconserved,” meaning they haven’t much changed since the end of the Ice Age 15,000 years ago. These words—mother, man, fire, worm, and spit, among others­—sound and mean the same in most Eurasiatic language families. The most commonly shared word is “thou” – the singular form of “you”. Imagine that. Among the nearly 700 languages in these families, stretching from Great Britain to Western China, the Arctic to southern India, all of them share a very close version of this word.

Words matter because they allow us to communicate clearly. A decade ago, no agreed-upon phrase existed in Arabic for corporate governance, making debate and reform difficult. An issue can’t be addressed if it can’t be clearly defined. To that end, a CIPE-led effort resulted in the first standardized term for “corporate governance” in the Arabic language: hawkamat ash-sharikat. Developing a common term opened the door for broad-based dialogue on corporate governance in the Arab world.

Sometimes it seems that CIPE has its own language. Look at the word cloud above, created from CIPE’s 2012 Annual Report. Democracy, business, governance, public sector, private sector. These words are probably familiar, but it might not be immediately clear how they work together.

If you look at it more closely, however, you’ll see they are parts of a fully functioning, democratic, free market society. All of the pieces move together—an empowered, informed electorate can hold its government accountable. A strong private sector forms the engine of job creation and economic growth within a society. A true democracy is dependent on its citizens, its private sector, and its government to act in good faith and with good intentions.

Words matter for what they represent. The words in the image above represent the hard work of CIPE’s partners over the last year. Their stories and successes are inspiring, and we hope you’ll take the time to read about them here.

A Business Agenda for Democracies

Andrew Wilson of CIPE speaks at the 7th Ministerial Meeting of the Community of Democracies in Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia.

Andrew Wilson of CIPE speaks at the 7th Ministerial Meeting of the Community of Democracies in Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia.

The seventh ministerial meeting for the Community of Democracies (CD) was held last month in Ulaanbaator, Mongolia. This year, for only the second time, the business community met as the Corporate Democracy Forum (CDF) to share its views with the CD ministerial, and CIPE was invited to participate.

The Community of Democracies is an intergovernmental coalition of over 100 democratic nations established by Polish Foreign Minister Bronislaw Geremek and U.S. Secretary of State Madeline Albright in 2000 to promote democratic rules and strengthen democratic norms and institutions.

In conducting its work the CD actively seeks input from a number of stakeholder groups including women, youth, parliamentarians, and civil society, who also gather during the ministerial meetings to provide their own viewpoints and recommendations on what the organization’s priorities should be and how to achieve its goals. The CDF represents the private sector’s voice in that discussion.

The overriding theme that dominated the CDF’s discussions was the concept of companies exercising a stronger sense of corporate citizenship, in which they recognize the broader role and leadership position they have within democracies as wealth creators, employers, taxpayers, and leaders.  For their part, governments need to encourage companies to take a stronger role, and welcome them in partnership.

Organized by the Mongolian Chamber of Commerce and Industry, the meeting highlighted steps that both the public and private sector can take to promote democracy through actions in three areas: improving public-private dialogue, promoting anti-corruption actions, and corporate social responsibility.

The CDF recognized that sustainable economic development must be based on private sector growth, and, as a stakeholder in this process, business requires an equal seat at the policy table. While sounding simple this task often requires a commitment from both sides of the dialogue that sometimes signals a change in the way things are done. Government officials have to get used to the idea of business as a policy partner, and businesspeople must be prepared to enter into dialogue in a thoughtful and constructive fashion.

Recognizing that the business community is not a monolith the CDF called on CD members to ensure inclusiveness by extending their dialogue to the broader business community including, national, regional, sectoral, and women’s business groups.

In terms of the fight against corruption, the CDF recognized that businesses are part of the “supply and demand” equation that allows corruption to flourish, and as such the business community has an obligation to lead through example. The CDF highlighted the work of programs such as the World economic Forum’s Partnering Against Corruption Initiative (PACI), and other efforts led by business associations and NGOs that seek to help companies improve ethical standards and implement anti-corruption initiatives. The CDF called on CD governments to encourage the establishment of such efforts.

In the field of corporate social responsibility, the meeting highlighted the important role business  has to play in promoting sustainable development. To this end, the CDF’s deliberations put the emphasis on private sector action in finding ways to support the implementation of all 10 Millennium Development Goals in a fashion that encourages sustainable and “green” development in transitional and aspiring democracies. As with the other topics for discussion, emphasis was placed on the need for effective public-private dialogue on how to achieve these goals.

The overall sense at the CDF was one that appreciated the opportunity the CD has extended to all the stakeholder groups to provide their input on a more visible and equal footing, showing that sustainable democracy is built on consensus and inclusion. It is a lesson other international inter-governmental bodies could more effectively learn.

Andrew Wilson is Regional Director for Eastern Europe & Eurasia and South Asia at CIPE.

CIPE and the Private Sector’s Role in Cote d’Ivoire’s Fragile Democracy

A street market in Abidjan (Photo: Wikimedia Commons)

A street market in Abidjan (Photo: Wikimedia Commons)

In Cote d’Ivoire, CIPE is engaged in a multi-year program to enhance the capacity of Ivorian private sector associations, particularly in the small and medium enterprises sector (SME), to drive advocacy initiatives for market-oriented policy reforms and a functional democracy.

This new program in Cote d’Ivoire also takes account of the post-conflict nature of the society and the transitional phase of its economy. Recent political developments in Cote d’Ivoire indicate significant challenges to consolidating any democratic gains after the 2011 post-electoral crises. Oddly enough, the administration’s response to these challenges may be favorable to CIPE’s program and mission in Cote d’Ivoire, which would lead to the kind of fundamental impact that will ultimately foster more sustainable democratic gains.

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The Role of Information in Planning for Syria’s Post-War Economic Future

SEF

As the world celebrates World Press Freedom Day, it is important to remember that access to information and free and unbiased reporting are vital elements for developing a democracy. According to the 2013 Press Freedom Index published by Reporters Without Borders, Syria is ranked 176th out of 179 countries. Since the beginning of the uprising in March 2011, Syrian authorities have restricted coverage of the unrest and continue to misreport the civil war on state-run TV stations.

My colleague Stephen Rosenlund wrote in his blog post A Bright Light on Syria’s Horizon about CIPE’s work with the Syrian Economic Forum (SEF), a think tank dedicated to building a free, pluralistic, and independent Syrian homeland that rests on a strong economy and ensures a life of freedom and dignity for all citizens. Despite the ongoing civil war and inability to establish a home office inside Syria, SEF has established a robust online presence through its website and social media pages allowing for the exchange of ideas and knowledge.

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Dr. Jesus P. Estanislao Receives Hernando de Soto Award for Democracy

CIPE honored Dr. Jesus P. Estanislao, former Finance Minister of the Philippines and President of the Institute for Corporate Directors and the Institute for Solidarity in Asia, with its second Hernando de Soto Award for Democracy.

World-famous democracy advocate and president of the Institute for Liberty and Democracy Hernando de  Soto presented the award to Estanislao in Chicago, IL, as part of the Democracy that Delivers for Entrepreneurs conference.

 The Hernando de Soto Award celebrates Estanislao’s lifelong contributions to democracy and economic freedom through improving governance in the public and private sectors and his leadership in guiding the Philippines through the early years of its transition to democracy.

Watch Dr. Estanislao’s remarks at the Hernando de Soto Award reception here.

Paraguay the Day After

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By Raul Ayala Diarte

With the images from Paraguay’s national elections this past Sunday fresh in our eyes – elections in which businessman Horacio Cartes of the Colorado Party rose to a clear victory by a wide margin – any doubts about the electoral and democratic process in Paraguay have been cleared. The country has now repeatedly held transparent electoral processes since the fall of the dictatorship in 1989.

Nearly 70 percent of the voting population participated in this election – one of the highest percentages in history – to elect a president, vice president, senators, deputies, governors and state boards, and parliamentarians for the Southern Common Market (Mercosur). The election was classified as exemplary by international observers from more than 12 organizations, among them the Organization of American States, the European Union, the Union of South American Nations, the Carter Center, and by the local and international press. What is more important is that the candidates accepted the results and there were no incidences to feed the morbid fascination of those that were anticipating problems in the electoral system.

These elections are historic because the world – and particularly the countries of Latin America – were watching everything with critical eyes. They are historic because for the first time we had an election where the Colorado Party (which was hegemonic for 60 years) was running as the opposition and retook power by winning the majority of seats in play (i.e. Senators, Deputies, and Governors) while the Liberal Party, the current governing party, could not even retain the seats it took in 2008.

The traditional parties that dominate Paraguayan politics, the Colorado Party and the Authentic Radical Liberal Party (PLRA), took more than 80 percent of all votes: Colorado taking 45.8 percent and PLRA 36.94 percent.

The coalition of parties of former President Fernando Lugo obtained 3.32 percent of the votes, amounting to 79,327 voters, which contributes to a better understanding of why Paraguayan society did not defend him during the impeachment trial that cost him the presidency in June 2012. Lugo has lost almost all of his support, as the figures demonstrate, although the coalition got better results in the Senate elections, obtaining five of the 45 seats available.

The Precursor

Like never before in its history, Paraguay became politically isolated by the majority of its South American neighbors. The cause of this isolation, as we know, was the impeachment via political trial of former President Lugo, which the majority of jurists and citizens in our country believe was carried out in the letter and spirit of our Constitution.

Nevertheless, for various leaders in the region motivated by political and ideological interests  – as Uruguayan President José Mújica openly recognized – the impeachment was seen as illegal and as a result caused a rupture in Paraguayan democracy.

Because of this “political” interpretation, regional organizations sanctioned and suspended Paraguay’s participation in key international organizations. The “only way” in which Paraguay could be reintegrated into regional institutions is through the clean election conducted on April 21st. It is important for Paraguay to maintain good relations with its neighboring countries since without international cooperation its landlocked location does not give it many other options for development. The electoral system certainly requires profound reforms to grant more equality to the candidates, but this electoral process played out without any major complications.

In Paraguay, the electoral processes have been characterized by a lack of concrete policy proposals. Nevertheless, this election was different due to civil society’s contribution in helping expand the proposals, perhaps not to the level of a well structured governing plan, but enough to qualify as a substantial improvement in content. To understand this better, it is important to highlight that in the 2008 elections where Fernando Lugo won, a government plan did not exist and the campaign relied on just six core themes. Six months after assuming office, Lugo himself created what was called Cerrito I, which was a plan for a better structured government.

To counter this trend and contribute to the electoral process and an informed vote, the Foundation for Development in Democracy (DENDE) and CERNECO – civil society organizations supported by CIPE, organized candidate debates broadcasted by all the open television channels in the country. The purpose was to allow Paraguayan citizens the opportunity to hear and contrast the candidates’ proposals on the issues that matter to them the most. This event was an innovation in the country, and perhaps the region, where all the television stations in the country – private, public, open, and cable – and more than 500 radio stations broadcasted the debates on March 17 and March 24.

According to estimates, over 3 million people from all over the country observed the debate and according to surveys, 71 percent of these people saw and heard the candidates’ proposals for the first time, demonstrating that the debate reached every corner of the country.

The success of this debate can be attributed to the fact that the four leading candidates all participated. This contrasts with what has happened in other countries in which candidates leading in the polls avoid debates, as is the case of Cristina Kirchner in Argentina and Nicolas Maduro in Venezuela.

What awaits the future government?

The new government will face multiple challenges as well as high expectations and necessary compromises.

With regards to the economy, the priority will be to utilize the country’s favorable natural resource advantages and the ability to produce food to feed 60 million people, an amount 10 times greater than the current population. It is also a priority to establish an industrialization process to generate employment, as well as to control the fiscal deficit.

Other pending topics include:

  • The fight against poverty and inequality
  • The fight against corruption, nepotism, the patronage system, and the quality of politics
  • Making institutions function so that they provide guarantees to citizens

An additional challenge will be to continue to eliminate practices carried down from the previous dictatorial government.

“When the people speak, politicians remain silent.” This phrase summarizes the respect given to popular will as it is reflected in the ballot boxes. ∎

This article originally appeared in Spanish on www.RevistaPerspectiva.com

Raul Ayala Diarte is the executive director of the Foundation for Development in Democracy (DENDE).

The Venezuelan Election

Nicolas Maduro soon after his narrow election win was announced. (Photo: Washington Post)

Nicolas Maduro soon after his narrow election win was announced. (Photo: Washington Post)

By Aurelio Concheso

On Sunday, April 14, Venezuelans went to the polls to elect a president to complete Hugo Chavez´s six-year term, following his death on March 5. The speed with which the election was called had to do with constitutional mandates, but even more with the ruling party’s hope that the pro-Chavez sentiment and bereavement of his followers, coupled with the blatant use of government resources, air time, and voter intimidation, which had become a rule of elections in the times of  Chavismo, would permit a comfortable triumph for his handpicked successor, Nicolas Maduro.

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