Tag Archives: anti-corruption

Riinvest Institute Celebrates 20 year Anniversary

Riinvest 20th Anniversary 2

CIPE’s long term partner Riinvest Institute for Development Research is celebrating their 20th anniversary this year. To mark the occasion, Riinvest held a conference on May 15 and 16 titled, “Activating the Sources of Economic Growth in Kosovo”. The conference brought together an impressive audience— the President and the Prime Minister of Kosovo*, the Deputy Minister of Finance, the World Bank Country Manager, other high level public officials, academics, business people, NGO leaders, the donor community, and members of the media.

*Kosovo’s newly-elected Prime Minister, Isa Mustafa, is the former President of Riinvest.

Riinvest leaders presented awards to a number of partners, individuals, and organizations who have supported the organization since its inception. CIPE had the honor of being presented the first two awards, one for Executive Director John Sullivan and one for the organization as a whole. CIPE Senior Consultant Carmen Stanila kindly received both awards on behalf of John and the organization.

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Are Remittances Really Remiss?

Remittances in Somalia

By Otito Greg-Obi

It is a popular opinion in the international development community that remittances – money transferred by a foreign worker back to someone in his or her home country – can have a negative effect on economic growth because recipients tend to spend cash flows on day-to-day subsistence. However, research shows that the opposite is true. A study on the effect of remittances on growth in Africa reveals that remittances seem to have an overall positive effect on Gross Domestic Product (GDP). When compared to foreign aid and Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), a 10 percent increase in remittances leads to a 0.3 percent increase in the GDP per capita income.

The Migration Policy Institute (MDI) points out that remittances are less volatile than international aid and FDI. For example, when the global economic crisis of 2009 hit, remittances in developing countries declined by only 5.27 percent whereas FDI declined by 32.94 percent. MPI also asserts that remittances allow for investment in human capital. For example, research shows that children in remittance households in Sri Lanka and Mexico have higher birthweights and lower rates of infant mortality. In Burkina Faso, Ghana, Uganda, Kenya, Senegal, and Nigeria, households that receive remittances are more likely to have a higher number of individuals with a secondary education. But, remittances are not just about human capital. In the Philippines and Mexico, there is a positive correlation between remittances and high levels of small business investment, as well as high levels of self-employment.

Remittances are a pressing issue in light of the current crisis in Somalia. Somalia boasts a population of 10.4 million people with forty percent of the population relying on remittances to meet basic needs. The country’s current GDP stands at around $2.37 billion. According to Oxfam, Somalia gets $1.3 billion dollars from its diaspora population each year, amounting to 56.5 percent of Somalia’s GDP. Somalia has no formal banking system. Instead, citizens depend upon Hawala, an informal currency transfer system run by money brokers. Increasingly strict money laundering policies threaten to topple the Hawala system and make life more difficult for many Somali citizens. These stricter laws result from a recent global effort to combat the risk of funding terrorism and the drug trade.

The anti-money laundering system is clearly connected to the remittance crisis in Somalia. The question is whether or not the system itself needs to be overhauled to solve the crisis. I had the opportunity to attend a talk given by Peter Reuter at the Center for Global Development. Reuter asserts that meaningful comprehensive reform is necessary and can begin by adopting a “do no harm” model.

Left to right: Jean Pesme of the World Bank, Peter Reuter of RAND, and Justin Sandefur CGD research Fellow

Left to right: Jean Pesme of the World Bank, Peter Reuter of RAND, and Justin Sandefur CGD research Fellow

He suggests conducting research-based cost benefit analyses so that countries can assess the extent to which avoiding risks is cost effective. If findings suggest that costs outweigh benefits, de-risking could be a viable option. He also suggests the controversial Tobin Tax as a possible method for dissuading money speculators.

I cannot say for sure if and how the anti-money laundering system should be reformed. However, I do have recommendations for the remittance crisis in Somalia itself.

In the short term:

  • Promote an increase in transparency between foreign banks, Somali money transfer operators, and citizens.
    • There needs to be a system in place that maintains a sense of trust between banks and citizens who are just trying to help their families survive.
  • Shift perspective on the issue of national security in Somalia.
    • Countries should strive to view remittances as a security stabilizer rather than a destabilizer. It is entirely possible for the sudden removal of remittances to incentivize citizens to join terrorist groups as an alternate source of goods/income.

In the long term:

  • Rebuild a formal banking system in Somalia that can slowly replace Hawala.
    • Bearing in mind the political instability of Somalia, is it necessary to gradually create a more formal economic landscape that offers an alternative to the Hawala money transfer system.
  •  Promote economic growth through capital other than remittances.
    •  Somalia should seek forms of alternative foreign capital (such as FDI) in order to create a larger role for diverse foreign capital for the sake of sustainable growth.

It is imperative that we continue to actively seek solutions to the remittance crisis in Somalia. Almost half of Somalia’s population will be negatively impacted by it. Two major preconditions for economic development are resources and stability. If remittances are protected, they can help to provide these preconditions and in turn contribute to the economic growth of Somalia as a country.

Otito Greg-Obi is a Knowledge Management Intern at CIPE. She is a rising junior at the University of Pennsylvania. 

CIPE Pakistan Releases 2014 Activities Report

Pakistan Compliance Photo

Shell Pakistan procurement manager Mehnaz J. Mohajir speaking at a CIPE compliance training event in Karachi in October 2014.

The Center for International Private Enterprise (CIPE) has been working in Pakistan for the past eight years encouraging private sector-driven economic reform and increasing the role of the private sector in the country’s democratic process.

CIPE’s Pakistan office just released its 2014 Pakistan Activities Report, which profiles an array of innovative programs that encourage private sector inclusion in the policy-making process. Highlights include:

  • CIPE partner the Policy Research Institute of the Market Economy (PRIME), an Islamabad-based think tank, developed three “scorecards” that track how well the government has implemented its economic reform agenda. The reports are available at http://govpolicyscorecard.com.pk/. These reports show that the government has made little progress toward implementing the reforms promised in its election manifesto.
  • CIPE Pakistan began a new program this year that mobilizes the private sector as a leading force in reducing bribery, extortion, and other forms of corruption. CIPE organized activities with its partner the Overseas Investor Chamber of Commerce and Industry (OICCI) to highlight the anti-corruption and corporate compliance issues faced by mid-sized firms seeking to enter global supply chains, and provided training and tools to help these companies develop anti-corruption programs in their organizations.
  • CIPE, its partners, and other organizations continued to organize activities to promote the culture of entrepreneurship in Pakistan. CIPE, in association with the Islamabad Chamber of Commerce & Industry, organized a conference titled “How corruption hampers entrepreneurship?” Students from various universities participated in the discussions and developed a greater understanding of the importance of combating the corrupt practices that hinder business activity in the country.
  • Four key chambers from Karachi, Islamabad, Gujranwala and Faisalabad organized the annual “All Pakistan Chambers President Conference.” This event provided the business community with the opportunity to discuss the government’s performance on economic reforms and share their concerns over the lack of progress in a number of areas.
  • CIPE held workshops and seminars with women chambers to help them build their membership, strengthen their internal governance processes, and improve their management capacity.
  • CIPE continued to work with partners such as the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Pakistan (ICAP), Securities and Exchange Commission of Pakistan (SECP), the World Bank, and International Finance Corporation (IFC) to press for the implementation of the Rules of Corporate Governance for Public Sector Companies, and to highlight how corporate governance can strengthen family-owned companies.

In 2015, CIPE Pakistan, through the support of its partners and with valuable guidance from its Project Advisory Committee, will continue to serve and strengthen democracy through private sector driven market-oriented reforms.

Read the full 2014 Pakistan Activities Report here.

Emad Sohail is Senior Program Officer for CIPE Pakistan.

Supporting Small Business in Ukraine

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More than a year after the EuroMaidan protests took the world by surprise, Ukraine’s political and economic struggles continue. Developments in the country since the new government came to power highlight the ongoing challenges of systemic overhaul following an exciting, rapid transition. These challenges clearly illustrate the link between democratic development and economic reform, so central to CIPE’s work. Accomplishing the tasks facing Ukraine, from combating corruption, to reducing the barriers to doing business, to creating space for public-private dialogue, will be no easy feat.

The success of Ukraine’s economic and democratic development largely depends on ensuring the success of the country’s small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). The entrepreneurial and flexible nature of SMEs makes them integral to achieving a number of the country’s goals: economic diversification; closer integration with Europe; building an adaptable economy; stimulating job growth; and boosting productivity.

Ukraine thus seeks to emulate the ways in which SMEs have helped make the U.S. economy among the world’s most successful. Boosting SMEs will require both giving the business community – and SMEs in particular – a seat at the policymaking table, and providing these firms with extensive support and training. CIPE’s partners are playing an important role in both of these processes.

CIPE’s primary focus in Ukraine has been to reduce policy barriers to business through cross-regional advocacy. Since opening the Kyiv office in 2010, CIPE has developed an extensive network of partner business associations and chambers of commerce across the country that work to represent and support Ukraine’s citizens through the work that they do.

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Public Procurement: The Nexus of Public and Corporate Governance in Combating Corruption

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Governments around the world spend trillions on public procurement each year for everything from office supplies to military equipment to infrastructure megaprojects like this $5 billion Panama Canal expansion.

 

By Kirby Bryan

For over a decade, the World Bank Group’s Doing Business index has served as quintessential tool for determining how well a country’s institutional infrastructure is suited to the promotion of a productive business environment. But something was missing. Businesses and governments interact on levels beyond permitting and regulation: the public sector can also be a client.

Public procurement can provide opportunities for corruption. When seeking lucrative public contracts, companies look for any opportunity they can take advantage of that will improve their ability to secure a successful bid. Unscrupulous government officials can use their influential positions to attain favors and gifts from businesses pursuing public procurement tenders.

In March 2015, the World Bank Group, in conjunction with the George Washington University Law School, held a release event for the first installment of its Benchmarking Public Procurement Index

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What Drives Corruption and How Can Institutions Respond?

UNCAC

What are the drivers of and institutional responses to corruption? Are current anti-corruption instruments used domestically and internationally effective? These were the key questions of a fascinating day-long event organized last week in Washington, DC by the George Washington School of Law and the International Bar Association, among others.

The event gathered a distinguished group of speakers from the government, academia, international organizations, law firms, and non-profits, as well as an engaged audience of anti-corruption scholars and practitioners.

While the discussion touched upon a multitude of corruption-related topics, the following aspects of corruption raised at event were the most valuable insights for me:

  • Corruption as a violation of public trust. Janine Wedel, a Berkeley-trained anthropologist and a professor at George Mason University, emphasized that corruption is more than just simple quid pro quo. Instead, it is a sophisticated network rooted in informal power, influence elites, and often aided by the post-Cold War global economic openness as the revolution of the digital age.
  • Corruption as a governance problem. Nikos Passas, professor at the Northeastern University, pointed out the roots of corruption in discrepancies between legitimacy and legality (lawful but awful conduct by government officials or businesses) and in unlawful but useful behavior (e.g., bribing a doctor to treat a patient in a failing healthcare system). International norms such as the United Nations Convention Against Corruption help by creating agreed-upon legal standards, but improving on-the-ground governance in countries around the world still has a long way to go. Read a Q&A with Nikos Passas here.
  • Private sector as a force for anti-corruption. Baker & McKenzie’s Tom Firestone stressed that a broad-based business community in a given country can be an effective force in anti-corruption efforts. He recounted his experience in Russia where local businesses resisted corrupt encroachments of the state. Local firms, after all, have a strong interest in the rule of law and a level playing field in the business environment. But they can’t do it alone.
  • Inter-governmental cooperation makes a difference. Kathryn Nickerson, Senior Counsel at the Department of Commerce highlighted the importance of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) Working Group on Bribery in International Business Transactions responsible for monitoring and implementation of the OECD Anti-Bribery Convention.
  • Corruption as an attack on human dignity. Sarah Chayes, the conference’s keynote speaker, talked about her recently published book, Thieves of State: Why Corruption Threatens Global Security. She pointed out that there is a moral dimension to corruption – it leads to widespread moral decay and individual humiliation that goes beyond money. In extreme cases of corruption-ridden countries, it is not the weakness of the state that leads to corruption. Rather, the institutions of the state have evolved to make them a conduit for corruption that permeates entire societies.

Anna Nadgrodkiewicz is Director for Multiregional Programs at CIPE.

Can Ukraine Stamp Out its Corruption Culture?

euromaidan

Ukraine’s “Euromaidan” protests were driven by activists fed up with corruption. Can the new government turn things around?

When it comes to opportunity for anti-corruption reform on a massive scale, few countries have ever been as ripe for change as Ukraine today. Western countries and the International Monetary Fund are pushing hard for transparency and clean government. They enjoy unprecedented leverage over Ukraine’s political and economic elites, who need billions in loans to stave off economic ruin. Ukraine’s populace, which took to the streets a year ago to oust a president reviled for his flamboyant corruption, is maddened at the lack of a single, high-profile corruption prosecution since then. Investors, once attracted to Ukraine by a highly educated workforce, cheap industrial assets, and some of the world’s most fertile farmland, have made it clear that corruption is a deal breaker.

Freshly elected Ukrainian leaders committed to reform and European integration are taking seemingly drastic steps on the anti-corruption front. In October, they passed an impressive package of laws that provide the framework to investigate, prosecute and imprison wrongdoers. Just as important, the new laws require the training and monitoring of the tens of thousands of public servants – from traffic cops to school principals to MPs – who collectively represent the “demand side” of Ukraine’s corruption equation.

To implement these new laws and flesh out the details, Ukraine’s elected leaders are turning to technocrats from countries counted as anti-corruption success stories – mostly Georgia and Lithuania. They are laboring away this winter in various ministries and in the Presidential Administration, trying to figure out how to train and empower the men and women who, in the face of a decades-old corruption culture and vastly outnumbered by colleagues benefiting from the status quo, will be the shock troops of anti-corruption reform. Taken together, these are impressive, ambitious moves in a country of 45 million, by far the largest state in the post-Soviet space to attempt such a housecleaning.

All this was on display last week during a fact-finding mission by CIPE’s lead anti-corruption expert in Ukraine, Drago Kos, who also serves as the chairman of the Working Group on Bribery of the Organisation of Economic Cooperation and Development. Kos, a plainspoken man who began his career in the Slovenian police force, spent a week in Kyiv, building rapport and sharing opinions with the Ukrainians at the forefront of the anti-corruption effort.

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