Author Archives: Abdulwahab Alkebsi

The great race for independence: the private sector in Kurdistan

Go cart racing in Erbil. Photo: http://bolen88.files.wordpress.com/

On a recent trip to the Iraqi Kurdish region, my friends invited me for a night out in Erbil.

Having been to Erbil many times, I thought I knew the drill. If lucky, I would go out to a nice restaurant. I would sit at a white table parked on lush, green grass. There, I would eat terrific kabobs until my heart was content. Sometimes, I would eat so much maskouf that my stomach would beg for mercy. I would drink coffee, listen to music, and make conversation.

While these relaxing nights cemented some of my closest friendships, I had never come close to using the words exhilarating or thrilling to describe a night out in the Kurdish region. On my last trip, that changed.

We headed out to Erbil Speed Center, a sprawling course of go kart race tracks adjacent to an upscale housing subdivision called Dream City. There were three types of go karts available and kilometers worth of tracks as wide as highways. Upstairs, there was a full restaurant and bar.

I popped on a helmet, thankful for once that I no longer have to worry about helmet hair, and strapped myself into a kart. Driving along so many others, so unsteady in these imitations of automobiles, was terrifying. I zipped around the track, laughing much of the way.

Having lived in Washington, DC for so long, I had forgotten that driving can be fun. More importantly, driving fast can be very fun. Driving on a world-class course that symbolizes the Kurdish region’s fast track to a better future, however, was nothing short of exhilarating.

After taking off my helmet and catching my breath, I pondered the future of a region that is changing so quickly. Indeed, there is a race underway in the Iraqi Kurdish region.

Above ground, the Kurdish private sector is flourishing. Often referred to as “the other Iraq” because it has been relatively unencumbered by the instability that has plagued the rest of the country, the Kurdish region has been a magnet for post-war investment. Joining the Erbil Speed Center are new stores and restaurants opening every day.

Already a vibrant national tourist destination, replete with brand new hotels and tourist operations, the Kurdish region appears poised to become an international attraction as well. This year, National Geographic named the region one of the twenty most enticing tourist destinations of the year. When a Washington Post reporter visited to confirm the region’s charm, she noted that in Erbil “businesses are flooding here to gain a foothold, and tourists from the rest of the country swarm here to shop in the rapidly proliferating malls and to eat and drink in safety at the restaurants, bars and outdoor cafes.”

The development of the region’s private sector is a good thing for its people. Throughout the Middle East, Arab populations have been rising up against their governments because those governments have largely denied them the ability to achieve dignity through high value employment. If granted the proper environment in which to develop, the Kurdish region’s private sector appears poised to offer that dignity.

Its ability to do so, however, may be under threat. In 2007, when the semi-autonomous Iraqi Kurdish Regional Government enacted an oil law allowing it to sign agreements with foreign companies and profit from them, it set off a race that could determine the fate of the Kurdish region. The Kurdish Regional Government’s budget will grow rapidly. The question remains whether the private sector can grow fast enough to keep pace.

Thus far, disagreements with Baghdad and growing pains in its technical capacity have limited the Kurdish region’s ability to generate significant oil revenue. That it will one day do so, however, seems clear. When former BP CEO Tony Hayward’s investment firm Vallares Plc announced that it was making a $2.1 billion investment in the Kurdish region of Iraq, he called the region “one of the last great oil and gas frontiers.”

Indeed, the riches under the ground that have investors salivating will soon pump the government full of cash to spend. This year, the budget for the Kurdish Regional Government sits just below $10 billion. Next year, some have predicted that it could nearly double. Whether that cash will benefit public officials or the Kurdish people holistically depends on whether the private sector can grow strong enough to compete.

Already, the government has used some of that revenue to benefit businesses in the short term. For example, the government has offered businesses no-interest loans, subsidized electricity and water, and even provided free land for those that fit the government’s strategy of development. Many businesses, noting the deluge of subsidized Turkish and Syrian goods entering the region, argue that this assistance is crucial if Kurdish enterprises are to survive what they perceive as a dirty fight. Some businesses have even argued that the level of their own subsidization is insufficient.

The danger, of course, is that these training wheels, designed to get Kurdish businesses moving, could become crutches as businesses become dependent on the handouts of an ever richer government. At this point, currying government favor would likely become more important to success than elevating efficiency and competitiveness.

The private sector, which in well-functioning democracies serves to provide job opportunities independent from public office, could become a supplicant. Waste, inefficiency, and misallocation of resources could stunt the economy. Corruption and abuses of power could destroy what could have become a promising democracy.

Of course, this dark scenario is not inevitable. It is certainly possible that businesspeople and public officials will determine at some point that the threat of Turkish and Syrian goods no longer merits the danger of resource misallocation posed by subsidies. Iraqis in the Kurdish region might also determine that their lives are better if they are served by a private sector that exists to meet their demands, such as the demand for a well-maintained go kart course, not to lobby for government subsidies.

Creating an environment that enhances the long-term competitiveness of Iraqi Kurdish regional firms will require the cooperation of the private and public sectors. A competitive, free market economy requires institutions that protect property rights, ensure secure contracts, facilitate freedom of entry and exit into the market, and assure freedom of information. The rule of law is essential in ensuring that laws and regulations are applied consistently and fairly to all citizens.

In addition, we’ll also have to see a change in the mentality of companies, where they demand a more competitive institutional and business climate that gives them a fair chance to grow and develop rather than hand-outs and protections from the government.

Currently, CIPE is working with a range of private sector and civil society organizations to identify the specific needs and opportunities facing Iraqi Kurdish regional businesses. These partners are in the process of drafting a provincial business agenda to articulate the needs of the full range of the private sector to government. By working together with the private sector, policymakers can help create an environment that fosters competitiveness and ensures that the growing Kurdish Regional Government is accompanied by a strong, independent, and increasingly competitive private sector capable of delivering the prosperity that its citizens need.

The Kurdish region remains appealing to investors for reasons that have nothing to do with oil. That means that Kurdish regional businesses still have ample chance to grow faster and stronger than their government’s budget. If the Kurdish region is to have a healthy economy and democracy, they must.

The many voices of the Arab private sector

Members of the Iraqi Business Council, a diverse private sector coalition, meet to discuss policy issues. (photo: CIPE)

As we mark the passing of eight months since the start of the historic Arab Spring in Sidi Bouzid, to many people in the region the term “private sector” invokes the image of a group of indistinguishable wealthy oligarchs connected to the state, not Mohammed Bouazizi, the struggling vegetable vendor whose self-immolation literally sparked the riots that toppled leaders across the region and continues to do so.

This skewed view leads one to believe the private sector is a monolith, and that when it pushes for something, it pushes in one direction with all its weight. That view, however, overlooks the fact that the private sector is a diverse segment of society with many different players and opinions.

I was reminded of this at a recent meeting in Iraq. The meeting included members of Iraq’s manufacturing sectors and Iraqi merchants making their living importing and selling foreign goods. The topic was customs fees that the Iraqi government levies on imports, and the participants wanted to reach a consensus so that they could effectively advocate policy to public officials.

The importers spoke first. “Deregulate. Facilitate the entry of goods. Allow Iraqis to benefit from affordable products,” they cried out. Anybody who caught those sound bites might have concluded that the Iraqi private sector opposes all import duties.

“Competition must be fair,” the manufacturers retorted. “If foreign governments insist on subsidizing their goods in order to flood our markets, our government must prevent the people from drowning.” According to this perspective, the private sector has shifted its stance and become an advocate for protective tariffs.

Back-and-forth the argument swung as these business leaders tried to weld their diametrically opposed views together to form a consensus. In the end, they could only agree that keeping tariffs on raw materials low would benefit them all. Beyond that, consensus on this issue remained impossible.

The implementation of customs duties is not a superficial wedge issue. Nor are Iraqi business leaders the first in history to be pitted against each other by it. In reality, the private sector, like the society it reflects, rarely achieves anything approaching unanimous consensus.

The futility of private sector consensus does not mean that businessmen and women should avoid advocating policy, however. While policies can create winners and losers, they do not do so in the same proportions. Only when the many diverse elements of the private sector effectively engage their officials to make their needs known can the government implement policy that positively impacts society on the whole.

Too long has the Arab private sector’s channel of communication to its governments been limited to its well connected sliver. For the recent uprisings to succeed in delivering better lives to citizens across Arab nations, the private sector in all its diversity – from big manufacturers and merchants to the vegetable and fruit sellers peddling their produce on carts – will have to effectively assess its needs and communicate them to policymakers. As countries across the Arab world transition to democracy, policymakers must take those needs into account.

To vote like an Egyptian

 

An Egyptian woman displays her ink stained fingertip after casting her vote for a referendum on constitutional amendments at a polling station in Cairo March 19, 2011. (Photo: Reuters/Amr Abdallah Dalsh)

Fifty three days after the youth ignited a revolution in Cairo’s Tahrir Square that irrevocably changed the country’s and the region’s future, millions of Egyptians are lining up at thousands of polling stations all over the country to cast ballots for a YES or NO vote on a referendum on amendments to the 1971 constitution.  By all accounts, turnout is of historic proportions and Egyptians are freely taking their first democratic steps along a long path towards democracy.  Significantly, no one knows what the result will be.  A poll conducted by young Egyptians over the past week declared the referendum “too close to call.”

The debate leading up to the referendum has been animated and the accusations and counter-accusations furious.  Most Egyptians are deciding on the YES or NO today based on fears of the other alternative.

On the one hand, those who have advocated for a YES vote felt that the most important thing today is to move away from the provisional rule of the military, elect a new president and legislature, and then develop a new constitution that would be put forth for a new national referendum.  They insisted that a new constitution needs the legitimacy of en elected body to develop it, either a parliament or a constituent assembly appointed by an elected parliament.  They also intimate that the people are not ready for the compromises necessary to develop a lasting constitution.  Developing a permanent constitution now, they claim, would break the nation apart and throw it to the hands of the military.

On the other hand, those advocating for a NO vote felt that the country, and especially the secular political parties, are not ready for elections.  They insist that the fast-paced process of amending a void constitution is undemocratic and that what the country needs now is a broad-based constituent assembly to write a real constitution that should be the one to put forth for a referendum, not the “patchwork” of amendments that are put forth now.

Basically, one camp is stoking fears that a NO vote will keep the military in power (akin to what happened after the 1952 revolution), and the other is stoking fears that a YES vote will usurp the nascent democracy and throw control to undemocratic forces that were able to organize during the Mubarak regime.

In this writer’s humble opinion, both positions are exaggerated, but not so unexpected given the decades of mistrust among the political forces in the country.  However, what is lost to most are questions such as “what are Egyptians voting for or against today?” i.e. what are the amendments and what will their effect be? And, what will happen if the referendum fails?

Starting with the latter, a YES vote sends Egypt along a route for quick elections for the executive and legislature, followed quickly by a process to develop a new constitution.  However, no one seems to be certain of what happens if the NOs beat the YESes.  It seems that the ball will be kicked back to the military council to decide on the next steps.  There are no shortage of suggestions by pundits who’ve found a strong voice after the revolution, but most seem to point towards a longer process, overseen by the military, to develop a “legitimate” constitution.  Meanwhile, the political parties –of the old traditional variety and the new youth-led ones—would have a “fair chance” to “level the playing field”, and compete for elections.  Some are requesting a six-month period for the process to allow for the development of a “road map” to democracy and the development of a democratic constitution.

But, again, what are Egyptians voting for? The battle is over nine amendments that, according to the military, will allow the country to hold “free and fair” elections and to move the country to civilian rule.  The military had voided the 1971 constitution and disbanded the parliament.  Its provisional rule was thus rendered unconstitutional and, as a friend in the know told me, it felt it needed a precipitous process to give the country legitimacy, especially given how the world is watching Egypt with a microscope.

One of the controversial amendments was that of Article 75, where language for the eligibility to be a candidate for president was added to limit it to those who, and who’s parents, have not been citizens of other countries, and to those who are not married to a non-Egyptian.  (Of note – the Arabic language used to write the amendments is gender specific and assumed the candidate is a man and the spouse is a woman.)

On other fronts, most agreed with the amendment to Article 77 that limits the presidency to two terms of four years each, as well as the amendment Article 88 providing for full supervision over the elections to an independent judiciary, instead of the ministry of interior.

Most were also happy about the amendments to article 148, limiting emergency rule to no more than six months, unless a referendum approves an extension, and with the approval of a majority of parliament, as well as the removal of Article 179, known as the anti-terrorism article.

Other amendments affect article 189, articulating processes to establish a constituent assembly appointed by both chambers of parliament, mandate the development of a new constitution within six months, and a referendum to approve the new constitution within 15 days after that.

Regardless of what the result of the referendum will be and whether the YES or NO wins, the real winners are the Egyptian people.  As a Yemeni-American in Cairo on this historic day, I have to confess that I felt envious and wanted to have my finger dipped in the pink indelible ink.  I’ve been following the comments of Egyptians on television, radio, Twitter, Facebook, and through talking to Egyptians everywhere.  Below is a sampling of quotes that reflect how Egyptians felt today.  Please excuse the colloquialism.

  • So Exciting. First time to vote in my life. Real vote. We are a very lucky generation.
  • I voted in AlManial ElE3dadeya things are very positive, police officers are helpful. Things are great.
  • About a thousand people in front me now to vote. Still happy despite the fact that will take me an hour to vote :)
  • The evolution of the revolution: About a 1km of people waiting in a line to vote.
  • Today is a response to Husni Mubarak, Omar Suleiman, Ahmed Nazif & anyone who claimed that Egyptians are not ready for democracy
  • Good morning the whole world.  The picture shows me, my 2 daughters and my grandson at the polling station very early this morning.  For the first time in my life I feel thrilled to go and vote.  Congratulations our amazing Egypt for the well deserved freedom.  Have a great day all wherever you are on planet earth and the outer space , share our happiness and celebration.  Hold your head up high. You are Egyptian.
  • Our PM Essam Sharaf refused to cut in line, & stood with us and waited to vote.
  • Wow, even Amr Moussa refused to cut in line. Symbolic things, but they mean that so much has changed.
  • Cairo Governor kicked out of polling station for refusing to wait his turn http://ow.ly/4hM0A
  • First time [I tried to vote] was in May 2005 &they wouldn’t let me in & I vowed I would not let up until I saw this day!
  • My finger is pink and my head held high.
  • I was also at this polling station, and everyone allowed anyone 60+ to cut line. Including my uncle.
  • Just got into a heated debate with a [political opponent] and told him I’m against the const. cuz I don’t want people like him to be thrown behind bars.
  • Finally a real country, not a personal farm.
  • Aunt just called me, said I voted no because of you – I remembered what you told me when I argued that the people should leave Tahrir.
  • My dad above 70 never voted before. He said “for the 1st time in my life I felt that my voice counts and is heard”.

Iraq: Unconventional Challenges, Unconventional Solutions

Iraqi media getting behind the scenes at a meeting of the Iraqi Business Council in June, 2010. (Photo: CIPE)

At 10:30 a.m. on a Thursday, Eric and his staff huddled with me and the CIPE team around a table in the lobby of the Chawarchera Hotel in Erbil, the capital of the Kurdish Regional Government in northern Iraq. We were trying to find a solution to an unexpected challenge. Eric, managing director of the company arranging the logistics for two major CIPE events in this sprawling city, informed us that we did not have airline reservations for 35 of the delegates that needed to return to Anbar province the next day. The challenge hung like a cloud over the table.

CONTINUE READING

A Tale of Two Egypts

Against the backdrop of the upcoming local elections on April 8 and the arrest of over 300 members of the country’s biggest opposition group, Egypt is at a critical juncture along its path towards political and economic development with contradictions that are pulling this most populous country in the region in critically opposite directions. With 40 percent of its population living below the poverty line, the Egyptian economy is witnessing consistent growth and is attracting billions of dollars in foreign direct investment. This remarkable dichotomy is dangerously pushing the country along a perilous tight rope between either becoming the success story of economic reform in the region or driving the country into failure and instability.

At a time when the global economy is teetering on the brink of recession and financial disaster, the market-oriented government of Egyptian Prime Minister Ahmed Nazif —and especially his reform-minded economic portfolio cabinet members—has partnered with the country’s private sector to guide the country along an economic reform package that has become the envy of other countries in the Middle East and North Africa region. In its “Doing Business 2008” report, the World Bank rated Egypt the world’s top reformer, indicating that “…starting a business at the one-stop shop in Assiut or Alexandria is now as easy and almost as fast as it is in the capital.”

These reforms and other factors have led the Cairo and Alexandria Stock Exchange (CASE) to outgain other markets in the Arab world. The Egyptian stock market, under the leadership of its reformist chairman Maged Shawki, surged 51 percent last year, and is up close to 10 percent this year already. Egypt has become an attractive destination for Gulf institutional and individual investors flush with billions of dollars from an unprecedented oil revenue bonanza. Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) reached $11 billion last year, a record. The Egyptian economy has so far shrugged off negative effects from a global slowdown and enjoyed growth of over 7 percent last year, and is on pace to match or beat that this year, the fastest in decades.

It is apparent to visitors of this country that the wealthy sector of Egyptian society is enjoying this new expansion of the economy and American-style consumerism is in display at plush neighborhoods of Cairo. New elite of professionals at investment firms and children of big business owners are buying new fancy cars, shopping at new, elegant shopping malls, eating out at lavish restaurants, and sipping lattes at swanky coffee shops. This new spending is, in turn, fueling an increase in profits for companies such as banks, carmakers, and real estate developers, but is in dire contrast with the desolate lives of the rest of Egyptians, which are also painfully in plain view all over the country. This new wealth and opportunity has enigmatically not penetrated beyond a thin layer of Egyptian elite.

CONTINUE READING